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The Anglo-American Establishment
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Read: 2018-01-14
Last Update: 2018-01-14

Five Sentence Abstract:

This book covers the progression of Cecil Rhodes' secret society through his and his friends' positions of influence and later through his scholarship program. The society orbits a nucleus of statesmanship and is fueled by longstanding wealth, guided by long term plans, and realized with the control of the media and universities, the latter from which new recruits are identified and the rest are indoctrinated with ideals that lead to unwittingly serving the secret society. There have been several iterations of the group that include such configurations as the initial period in which Cecil and his close friends their families were central to the later version in which Milner rose to lead his "kindergarten" in a less nepotistic manner. The group has gained influence and control through propaganda delivered via newspapers, magazines, and later radio and presumably television. While they generally don't attempt to influence the masses directly, the do, successfully in most cases, influence the influencers - those that write other papers, teach at other schools, or preach in other churches to bring about the distinctly stated goal of the group - the bringing about of a Commonwealth of Nations.

Thoughts:

This chapter of the oligarchy begins with Cecil Rhodes. He, along with a few close friends, set about to lay the foundation for a secret society who's admittance was completely nepotistic. The membership was often obscured by changing names via marriage or titles.

The group influenced not the masses, but the few who were in a position the masses. Through their publication, most notably The Round Table and The Times, they set about forming the opinions of the most influential of society. These influential people would then, often unwittingly, propagate the formula the Rhodes secret society had brewed.

During the first generation this group was made up of driven individuals, often dedicating their lives and fortunes to bringing about the expansion of the British way of life. The members did not seek fame or notoriety and were happy to exact their control from behind the curtain. Beyond Cecil himself, Lord Salisbury was an influential member during the time period of the late 1800s.

The second generation, sometimes calling themselves "Society" was mainly made up of the children of the first generation. Having grown up in often extraordinary positions of wealth and easily navigating a path through the most elite schools, such as Eton, Oxford, of All Souls, this generation was less focused on manifesting the plans of their fathers and more interested in the pleasures associated with their privileged positions. This generation was not all unfocused, Alfred Milner took it upon himself to reforge the secret society, less along nepotistic lines and more along ideological ones. During the very late 1800s through the early 1900s, Stead was the most influential member.

The gave rise to the third generation. A more youthful membership overseen by Milner has been nicknamed Milner's Kindergarten. The group, under Milner's leadership in the early 1900s, had taken on a much more serious demeanor than even the original masterminds had exhibited. Milner doubled down on the use of propaganda to steer the masses from behind the scenes. They began gaining more control and influence through newspapers and placing their members in positions of influence within the educational landscape of England, particularly at All Souls College. Milner himself was completely dedicated to the state. He forwent a happy home-life, pleasure in general, and diplomacy to be a superb administrator - exactly what the group needed. He was not a wealthy nor famous man, but with the tools left to him by his predecessors he was able to deftfully manipulate the minds of his audience

Speaking of tools left behind, Cecil Rhode's died in 1902. Before he died he had written seven different version of his will. In five of the seven he explicitly mentions the secret society and how his great wealth should be used to advance British ideals the world over. He even spoke of structuring it after the Jesuits, rings within rings. The final two wills make no mention of the society, but this is likely because Rhodes had become much more famous by this time and the society wouldn't be very secret if it was discussed outwardly. In these last two version of the will the society was replaced with an outline for a scholarship program, the Rhodes Scholarship, that seems to be nothing more than a screen for the society and a way to recruit young members with potential.

One of the more noteworthy members was Lionel Curtis. He had grandiose ideas of a global federation he called the Commonwealth of Nations. He wrote several books extolling the virtues of this idea and believed in it so wholeheartedly that he was will to architect the demise of the English Empire itself to accomplish it. It was his believe that from the ashes of the Empire the Commonwealth of Nations would be born. To accomplish these ends he was involved with both the Royal Institute of International Affairs and later the League of Nations. He was so ahead of his time that it was often said that what Lionel writes will come to fruition 20 years later. This is simply a testament to the superb long-game the group played.

Milner's influence spread into the USA. This was in continuance of the original group's belief that England and America had to be unified to lead the way to the Imperial, and later federated, future. This influence garnered him more tools of influence and finance. When setting up the African survey project, Milner's kindergarten, who control the entire project tip to stern, gained funding from the Carnegie Corp. Similar financial support was given towards other projects, such as the Council on Foreign Relations, which is essentially the American version of Chatham House, by such groups as the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations.

Similarly, the Englishmen in South African were in secret contact with England and planned the Jameson Raid. When it failed they were somewhat exposed, but since they had such influence the investigation never went anywhere and their lies were swept under the rug.

They understood that the most effective form propaganda was education. By influencing, or outright capturing in some cases, the universities they were able to simultaneously scour the enrollment for the best and brightest that could be recruited into the campaign as well as take up positions as teachers and lecturers to instill their values even in those that would never even know of the group's existence let alone know membership. Other pursuits that stemmed from the learned ranks of the many Sirs and Lords that populated the group include a great many writers, quite a few lawyers, and later even economists. This is in addition to the political offices they had, usually indirectly as council, in their clutches.

Looking back to the early 1900's you probably wouldn't think of the, assumedly modern idea of adult and continuing education. The Round Table group actually did promote such an idea with the overt intention of giving the people the tools they needed to govern themselves and to subordinate themselves to the needs of the state. This was of course nothing but indoctrination. They even boldly made such claims that it was men's minds that were broken and could be set straight by their propaganda.

"That the chief obstacle to this union was to be found in men's minds was perfectly clear to Curtis. To overcome this obstacle, he put his faith in propaganda, and the chief instruments of that propaganda, he said, must be the churches and the universities. He said nothing about the Milner Group, but, considering Curtis's position in this Group and that Lothian and others agreed with him, it is not surprising that the chief source of this propaganda is to be found in those agencies controlled by the Group.(12)"

One among their propaganda outlets, The Times, was the most influential paper in England. For its entire existence, except for a few years when the goals of a former member did not align with the rest of the group, it has been seen as a paper not of mass circulation, but read by those of influence. Those with other papers would write about stories they had read in The Times. In modern terms it seems similar to the Associated Press. A relatively small outfit can have enormous influence because its content ripples through a vast number of outlets. Outlets that need not be looking to promote an agenda, but instead looking for a juicy story that is all but written for them. This idea is similar to what they did in the universities in general and with the Rhodes Scholarship specifically. By influencing the top universities they would sow the seeds of their plans in the minds of students who would then go on to grow these seeds to fruition. All without ever knowing that they had been manipulated into thinking this way or that way.

Of the main ideas that the group had and passed on were the ideals of ancient Greece. They wanted to get beyond their historical city states and move to the oft mentioned federation or commonwealth. They also saw the state as a pursuit that should come before the man and that this duty is more important than self-interest. Interesting that such ideas of collectivism are held by what were, more often than not, wealth, titled individuals.

Originally another idea they mostly held unanimously was that of sound money and that banking should use gold and competitive trade to balance national budgets. Later they slowly replaced these ideals with ideas that self-regulating monopolies and gov spending should be employed because sound money was somehow impeding production. Although it is not mentioned explicitly, given how far-seeing these men were, it seems completely reasonable that they simply realized that they could wield incalculably more control, from behind the curtain they so love to hide, by diluting the then gold backed currencies into nothing but pure fiat. This would predictably lead to debt slavery and the decline in property ownership as the capital simultaneously diminished in value via inflation and accumulated in the hands of the wealthy via investment returns. Looking back on them it seems they were generally much closer to socialists than capitalists. They focused on building the state/empire and the moral obligations of man (not so much as in acquiring wealth).

During the WW1 and WW2 periods, the group continued to pull the strings of those that held elected positions. Milner himself writes the Balfour declaration, but can not introduce it himself because he is not in any official position to do so. This initially declared that Palestine start off Arab controlled but will allow some Jewish migration based on demographics. This is slowly changed to "allow" the region to become Jewish dominated. I really can't see any reason for the Milner Group wanting this except to sow discontent in the Middle East. Additionally, Arabs are to be given a "front door" to Europe via the Mediterranean while being exposed to westernization. Interesting to see how Palestine/Israel and the Arab/Muslim migration is doing today.

Post WW1 the Group thought Versailles was too strict. They wanted to build Germany back up now that the Kaiser was out of the picture. They supposedly could not see that the 4 main power sectors of Germany (The Prussian Officers' Corps, the Junker landlords, the governmental bureaucracy (especially the administrators of police and justice), and the great industrialists.) were still intact even without the Kaiser. Not only intact, but now with arguably more power. The whole idea was to rebuild Germany and smash it into France and the USSR to weaken the whole of Europe to the point where England could remain in control. This can clearly be seen when they didn't even flinch at the Nazi's coming to power. Later, Allen Dulles, sometimes called the interface between the government and the deep state, was often seen speaking at their meetings and was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (Dulles was dealing with Nazis extensively). He Group claimed to want a balance of power (even when they initially were against it) and they wanted German economy to prosper so there wouldn't be any trouble (or because they wanted their dog on its feet again?). Even those who followed in the Milner Group's footsteps, or are members of its more modern incarnations, such as Gregory Bateson have been very clear that the Versailles treaty and subsequent dealings with Germany were used to essentially guarantee WW2.

Lastly, in India the Milner Group pushed too hard too fast. Their utopian ideals gave too much self-government but with too many limitations faster than the new ideas could take hold. India of course gained her independence, but one is left wondering about Curtis' prognostications about the death of the English Empire and the global federation, the Commonwealth of Nations, that would rise like a phoenix from the ashes.

How independent is India today? How much influence do modern Milner Groups have over the officials in any country? How much power does the United Nations wield? How much power do the global financial titan bandy about? Who controls the newspapers today? The television, the radio, the major internet sites? It isn't hard to draw a straight line from the Commonwealth of Nations to the modern society. It also isn't hard to see that the same tactics, namely subversion via indoctrination in schools, churches, and media, are still employed today in ever more honed forms.

I'm on-board all the way until the very last few pages/chapter. After having such control over S. Africa, India, and the rest of the Empire for decades I am supposed to believe that after WW2, all of a sudden, the Milner Group got old and disintegrated because the youthful members didn't have the will or intelligence to continue? Even after attending prestigious universities and being groomed for decades for that very task? Given the advantage of being able to look back on what was written 40-odd years ago, I can see the manipulation of a descendant of the Milner Group pretty much everywhere I look. Whether it is the New York Times, or London, the Washington Post, and even CNN of Fox, I see the hand of the manipulators hard at work. Hollywood is basically the public relations branch of these manipulators, and the intelligence community writ large, the CIA specifically, has been carrying water for the group, whatever name they go by today, since their inception. The League of Nations "failed", but it did usher in the United Nation and the European Union. Even if these are faltering today, have they not acted as scaffolding to assist in construction a global world view that is more communistic than any organization could provide? Why rule with a supranational organization when you can propagandize the global citizenry into happily acquiescing to your every desire? Is there anywhere not touch by the hand of globalism? How far and wide do the McDonald's arches and the Nike swoosh roam? We are fast becoming, and many have already succumb, fat and happy, endlessly amused global consumers of the brave new world.

P.S. The book was published 4 years after Quigley died. Those last few pages could have been added as counterintelligence.

Books to check out:

Exceptional Excerpts:

Later, in behalf of The Times and with the permission of Marconi, he [George R. Parkin] sent the first press dispatch ever transmitted across the Atlantic Ocean by radio.

The secret society of Cecil Rhodes is mentioned in the first five of his seven wills. In the fifth it was supplemented by the idea of an educational institution with scholarships, whose alumni would be bound together by common ideals—Rhodes's ideals.

purpose, as expressed in the first will (1877), was: 'The extension of British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom and of colonization by British subjects of all lands wherein the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour, and enterprise, ... the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of a British Empire, the consolidation of the whole Empire, the inauguration of a system of Colonial Representation in the Imperial Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed members of the Empire, and finally the foundation of so great a power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the best interests of humanity.'

in April 1900, a year after he wrote his seventh and last will, Rhodes was reprimanding Stead for his opposition to the Boer War, on the grounds that in this case he should have been willing to accept the judgment of the men on the spot who had made the war. Rhodes said to Stead, 'That is the curse which will be fatal to our ideas—insubordination. Do not you think it is very disobedient of you? How can our Society be worked if each one sets himself up as the sole judge of what ought to be done? Just look at the position here. We three are in South Africa, all of us your boys ... I myself, Milner, and Garrett, all of whom learned their politics from you. We are on the spot, and we are unanimous in declaring this war to be necessary. You have never been in South Africa, and yet, instead of deferring to the judgment of your own boys, you fling yourself into a violent opposition to the war.'(3)

Both sought to unite the world, and above all the English-speaking world, in a federal structure around Britain. Both felt that this goal could best be achieved by a secret band of men united to one another by devotion to the common cause and by personal loyalty to one another. Both felt that this band should pursue its goal by secret political and economic influence behind the scenes and by the control of journalistic, educational, and propaganda agencies.

It is one of the marvels of modern British scholarship how the Milner Group has been able to keep control of the writing of history concerned with those fields in which it has been most active.

This influence was not exercised by acting directly on public opinion, since the Milner Group never intended to influence events by acting through any instruments of mass propaganda, but rather hoped to work on the opinions of the small group of 'important people,' who in turn could influence wider and wider circles of persons. This was the basis on which the Milner Group itself was constructed; it was the theory behind the Rhodes Scholarships; it was the theory behind 'The Round Table and the Royal Institute of International Affairs; it was the theory behind the efforts to control All Souls, New College, and Balliol and, through these three, to control Oxford University; and it was the theory behind The Times.

Thus, a statesman (a member of the Group) announces a policy. About the same time, the Royal Institute of International Affairs publishes a study on the subject, and an Oxford don, a Fellow of All Souls (and a member of the Group) also publishes a volume on the subject (probably through a publishing house, like G. Bell and Sons or Faber and Faber, allied to the Group). The statesman's policy is subjected to critical analysis and final approval in a 'leader' in The Times, while the two books are reviewed (in a single review) in The Times Literary Supplement. Both the 'leader' and the review are anonymous but are written by members of the Group. And finally, at about the same time, an anonymous article in The Round Table strongly advocates the same policy. The cumulative effect of such tactics as this, even if each tactical move influences only a small number of important people, is bound to be great. If necessary, the strategy can be carried further, by arranging for the secretary to the Rhodes Trustees to go to America for a series of 'informal discussions' with former Rhodes Scholars, while a prominent retired statesman (possibly a former Viceroy of India) is persuaded to say a few words at the unveiling of a plaque in All Souls or New College in honor of some deceased Warden. By a curious coincidence, both the 'informal discussions' in America and the unveiling speech at Oxford touch on the same topical subject.

An analogous procedure in reverse could be used for policies or books which the Group did not approve. A cutting editorial or an unfriendly book review, followed by a suffocating blanket of silence and neglect, was the best that such an offering could expect from the instruments of the Milner Group.

The plan of procedure was the same as that which had worked so successfully in South Africa—that is, to form local groups of influential men to agitate for imperial federation and to keep in touch with these groups by correspondence and by the circulation of a periodical.

[To the Round Table Group] The key to all economics and prosperity was considered to rest in banking and finance. With 'sound money,' a balanced budget, and the international gold standard, it was expected that prosperity and rising standards of living would follow automatically. These ideas were propagated through The Round Table, in the period after 1912, in a series of articles written by Brand and subsequently republished under his name, with the title War and National Finance (1921). They are directly antithetical to the ideas of Milner as revealed in his book published two years later. Milner insisted that financial questions must be subordinated to economic questions and economic questions to political questions. As a result, if a deflationary policy, initiated for financial reasons, has deleterious economic or political effects, it must be abandoned. Milner regarded the financial policy advocated by Brand in 1919 and followed by the British government for the next twelve years as a disaster, since it led to unemployment, depression, and ruination of the export trade. instead, Milner wanted to isolate the British economy from the world economy by tariffs and other barriers and encourage the economic development of the United Kingdom by a system of government spending, self-regulated capital and labor, social welfare, etc. This program, which was based on 'monopoly capitalism' or even 'national socialism' rather than 'financial capitalism,' as Brand's was, was embraced by most of the Milner Group after September 1931, when the ending of the gold standard in Britain proved once and for all that Brand's financial program of 1919 was a complete disaster and quite unworkable. As a result, in the years after 1931 the businessmen of the Milner Group embarked on a policy of government encouragement of self-regulated monopoly capitalism. This was relatively easy for many members of the Group because of the distrust of economic individualism which they had inherited from Toynbee and Milner. In April 1932, when P. Horsfall, manager of Lazard Brothers Bank (a colleague of Brand), asked John Dove to write a defense of individualism in The Round Table, Dove suggested that he write it himself, but, in reporting the incident to Brand, he clearly indicated that the Group regarded individualism as obsolete.(8)

Milner was a combination of technocrat and guild socialist and objected vigorously to the orthodox financial policy of deflation, balanced budget, gold standard, and free international exchange advocated by the Group after 1918.

as soon as Milner came into the government in December 1915, The Round Table's argument that the war should be used as a means for consolidating the Empire, rather than as an excuse for postponing consolidation,

Palestine, however, had a peculiar position among mandates because of the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which states that Britain would regard with favor the establishment of a national home for the Jews in Palestine. This declaration, which is always known as the Balfour Declaration, should rather be called 'the Milner Declaration,' since Milner was the actual draftsman and was, apparently, its chief supporter in the War Cabinet. This fact was not made public until 21 July 1937. At that time Ormsby-Gore, speaking for the government in Commons, said, 'The draft as originally put up by Lord Balfour was not the final draft approved by the War Cabinet. The particular draft assented to by the War Cabinet and afterwards by the Allied Governments and by the United States . . . and finally embodied in the Mandate, happens to have been drafted by Lord Milner. The actual final draft had to be issued in the name of the Foreign Secretary, but the actual draftsman was Lord Milner.' Milner had referred to this fact in a typically indirect and modest fashion in the House of Lords on 27 June 1923, when he said, 'I was a party to the Balfour Declaration.'

the Milner Group has always had very close relationships with the associates of J. P. Morgan and with the various branches of the Carnegie Trust. These relationships, which are merely examples of the closely knit ramifications of international financial capitalism, were probably based on the financial holdings controlled by the Milner Group through the Rhodes Trust. The term 'international financier' can be applied with full justice to several members of the Milner Group inner circle, such as Brand, Hichens, and above all, Milner himself.

Among the other benefactors of the Institute, we might mention the following. In 1926 the Carnegie United Kingdom Trustees (Hichens and Dame Janet Courtney) gave £3000 for books; the Bank of England gave £600; J. D. Rockefeller gave £3000. In 1929 pledges were obtained from about a score of important banks and corporations, promising annual grants to the Institute. Most of these had one or more members of the Milner Group on their boards of directors. Included in the group were the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company; the Bank of England; Barclay's Bank; Baring Brothers; the British American Tobacco Company; the British South Africa Company; Central Mining and Investment Corporation; Erlangers, Ltd; the Ford Motor Company; Hambros' Bank; Imperial Chemical Industries; Lazard Brothers; Lever Brothers; Lloyd's; Lloyd's Bank; the Mercantile and General Insurance Company; the Midland Bank; Reuters; Rothschild and Sons; Stern Brothers; Vickers-Armstrong; the Westminster Bank; and Whitehall Securities Corporation.

In December 1918, Curtis wrote in The Round Table on this subject as follows: 'No one class, but the nation itself was involved in the sin. There were Socialists who licked their lips over Brest-Litovsk. All but a mere remnant, and those largely in prison or exile, accepted or justified the creed of despotism so long as it promised them the mastery of the world. The German People consented to be slaves in their own house as the price of enslaving mankind.' If these words had been printed and posted on the walls of All Souls, of Chatham House, of New College, of The Times office in Printing House Square, and of The Round Table office at 175 Piccadilly, there need never have been a Second World War with Germany. But these words were not remembered by the Group. Instead, they assumed that the 'bad' Germans were the small group that was removed from office in 1918 with the Kaiser. They did not see that the Kaiser was merely a kind of facade for four other groups: The Prussian Officers' Corps, the Junker landlords, the governmental bureaucracy (especially the administrators of police and justice), and the great industrialists. They did not see that these four had been able to save themselves in 1918 by jettisoning the Kaiser, who had become a liability. They did not see that these four were left in their positions of influence, with their power practically intact—indeed, in many ways with their power greater than ever, since the new 'democratic' politicians like Ebert, Scheidemann, and Noske were much more subservient to the four groups than the old imperial authorities had ever been.

Their aim became the double one of keeping Germany in the fold of redeemed sinners by concessions, and of using this revived and purified Germany against Russia and France.(3)

The Milner Group never intended that the League should be used as an instrument of collective security or that sanctions should be used as an instrument by the League. From the beginning, they expected only two things from the League: (1) that it could be used as a center for international cooperation in international administration in nonpolitical matters, and (2) that it could be used as a center for consultation in political matters.

That the chief obstacle to this union was to be found in men's minds was perfectly clear to Curtis. To overcome this obstacle, he put his faith in propaganda, and the chief instruments of that propaganda, he said, must be the churches and the universities. He said nothing about the Milner Group, but, considering Curtis's position in this Group and that Lothian and others agreed with him, it is not surprising that the chief source of this propaganda is to be found in those agencies controlled by the Group.(12)

In the United States, the chief source of this propaganda was the organization known as Union Now, which was an offshoot of the Rhodes Scholarship network. The publicized originator of the idea was Clarence Streit, Rhodes Scholar at Oxford in 1920 and League of Nations correspondent of The New York Times in 1929-1938.

Until federation abolishes sovereignty and creates a true world government amenable to public opinion, the nations will continue to live in anarchy, whatever their contractual obligations may be; and under conditions of anarchy it is power and not public opinion that counts....

The short-run goal of the Milner Group still remained a Continent dominated by Hitler between an Oceanic Bloc on the west and the Soviet Union on the east.

Notes:

Table of Contents

Preface
01: Introduction
02: The Cecil Bloc
03: The Secret Society of Cecil Rhodes
04: Milner's Kindergarten, 1897-1910
05: Milner Group, Rhodes, and Oxford, 1901-1925
06: The Times
07: The Round Table
08: War and Peace, 1915-1920
09: Creation of the Commonwealth
10: The Royal Institute of International Affairs
11: India, 1911-1945
12: Foreign Policy, 1919-1940
13: The Second World War, 1939-1945
Appendix - A Tentative Roster of the Milner Group

Preface

page 2:
page 3:

Chapter 1: Introduction

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page 12:

Chapter 2: The Cecil Bloc

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Name                          College                    Fellow of All Souls
C. A. Alington, 1872-         Trinity, Oxford 1891-1895  1896-1903
W. R. Anson, 1843-1914        Balliol 1862-1866          1867-1914;
                              Warden 1881-1914  
G. N. Curzon, 1859-1925       Balliol 1878-1822          1883-1890
A. H. Hardinge, 1859-1933     Balliol 1878-1881          1881-
A. C. Headlam, 1862-          New College 1881-1885      1885-1897, 1924-
H. H. Henson, 1863-           Non-Collegiate 1881-1884   1884-1891,
                              1896-1903; 1939
C. G. Lang, 1864-1945         Balliol 1882-1886          1888-1928
F. W. Pember, 1862-           Balliol 1880-1884          1884-1910-
                              Warden, 1914-1932  
W. G. F. Phillimore, 1845-    1929      Christ Church    18683-1867 1867-
R. E. Prothero, 1852-1937     Balliol 1871-1875          1875-1891
E. Ridley, 1843-1928          Corpus Christi 1862-1866   1866-1882
M. W. Ridley, 1842-1904       Balliol 1861-1865          1865-1874
J. Simon, 1873-               Wadham 1892-1896           1897-
F. J. N. Thesiger, 1868-1933  Magdalen 1887-1891         1892-1899
                              1929-1933
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Chapter 3: The Secret Society of Cecil Rhodes

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1. General of the Society: Rhodes
2. Junta of Three:
  Stead
  Brett
  Milner
3. Circle of Initiates:
  Cardinal Manning
  General Booth
  Bramwell Booth
  "Little" Johnston
  Albert Grey
  Arthur Balfour
4. The Association of Helpers
5. A College,
  under Professor Seeley, to be established to train
  people in the English-speaking idea."
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page 42:

Chapter 4: Milner's Kindergarten, 1897-1910

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Name                                  Dates     College               All Souls
Patrick Duncan (later Sir Patrick)    1870-1946 Balliol   1890-1894   Never
Philip Kerr (later Lord Lothian)      1882-1940 New       1897-1901   Never
Robert Henry Brand (later Lord Brand) 1878-1963 New       1897-1901   1901-
Lionel Curtis                         1872-1955 New       1891-1905   1921-
Geoffrey Dawson                       1874-1944 Magdalen  1898-1905;  
(until 1917 Robinson)                 1893-1897           1915-1944
John Buchan                           1875-1940 Brasenose             Never
(later Lord Tweedsmuir)               1895-1899
Dougal Orme Malcolm                   1877-1955 New       1895-1899   1899-1955
(later Sir Dougal)
William Lionel Hichens                1874-1941 New       1894-1898   Never
Richard Feetham                       1874-1965 New       1893-1898   Never
John Dove                             1872-1934 New       1891-1895   Never
Basil Williams                        1867-1950 New       1886-1891   1924-1925
Lord Basil Blackwood                  1870-1917 Balliol   1891-       Never
Hugh A. Wyndham                       1877-     New       1896-1900   Never
George V. Fiddes                      1858-1925 Brasenose             Never
(later Sir George)                    1880-1884
John Hanbury-Williams                 1859-1946 Wellington, N. Z.     Never
(later Sir John)
Main S. O. Walrond                    1870-     Balliol               Never
Fabian Ware (later Sir Fabian)        1869–1949 Univ. of Paris        Never
William Flavelle Monypenny            1866-1912 Balliol (1888-1890)   Never
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Name                                  Dates     College                 All Souls
Leopold Amery                         1873-1955 Balliol 1897-1911,1938  1892-1896
Edward Grigg                          1879-1955 New 1898-1902           Never
(later Lord Altrincham)
H. A. L. Fisher                       1865-1940 New 1884-1888           Never
Edward F. L. Wood
(later Lord Irwin and Lord Halifax)   1881-1959 Christ Church 1903-1910 1899-1903
Basil K. Long                         1878-1944 Brasenose               Never
1897-1901
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Chapter 5: Milner Group, Rhodes, and Oxford, 1901-1925

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Salisbury, 1869-1903
Lord Goschen, 1903-1907
Lord Curzon, 1907-1925
Lord Milner, 1925Lord George Cave, 1925-1928
Lord Grey of Fallodon, 1928-1933
Lord Halifax, 1933-
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Chapter 6: The Times

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Chapter 7: The Round Table

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Philip Kerr, 1910-1917 (assisted by E. Grigg, 1913-1915)
Reginald Coupland, 1917-1919
Lionel Curtis, 1919-1921
John Dove, 1921-1934
Henry V. Hodson, 1934-1939
Vincent Todd Harlow, (acting editor) 1938
Reginald Coupland, 1939-1941
Geoffrey Dawson, 1941-1944
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Chapter 8: War and Peace, 1915-1920

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Chapter 9: Creation of the Commonwealth

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Chapter 10: The Royal Institute of International Affairs

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Chapter 11: India, 1911-1945

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Chapter 12: Foreign Policy, 1919-1940

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pages. The answer to this protest, making a few minor changes in the treaty but

allowing the major provisions to stand, was drafted by an inter-allied committee of five, of which Philip Kerr was the British member. The changes that were made as concessions to the Germans were made under pressure from Lloyd George, who was himself under pressure from the Milner Group.

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Chapter 13: The Second World War, 1939-1945

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Appendix - A Tentative Roster of the Milner Group

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A. The Society of the Elect

Cecil John Rhodes
Nathan Rothschild, Baron Rothschild
Sir Harry Johnston
William T. Stead
Reginald Brett, Viscount Esher
Alfred Milner, Viscount Milner
B. F. Hawksley
Thomas Brassey, Lord Brassey
Edmund Garrett
[Sir Edward Cook]
Alfred Beit
Sir Abe Bailey
Albert Grey, Earl Grey
Archibald Primrose, Earl of Rosebery
Arthur James Balfour
Sir George R. Parkin
Philip Lyttelton Gell
Sir Henry Birchenough
Sir Reginald Sothern Holland
Arthur Lionel Smith
Herbert A. L. Fisher
William Waldegrave Palmer, Earl of Selborne
[Sir Alfred Lyttelton]
Sir Patrick Duncan
Robert Henry Brand, Baron Brand
Philip Kerr, Marquess of Lothian
Lionel Curtis
Geoffrey Dawson
Edward Grigg, Baron Altrincham
Jan C. Smuts
Leopold Amery
Waldorf Astor, Viscount Astor
Nancy Astor, Lady Astor

B. The Association of Helpers

1. The Inner Circle

Sir Patrick Duncan
Robert Henry Brand, Baron Brand
Philip Kerr, Marquess of Lothian
Lionel Curtis
William L. Hichens
Geoffrey Dawson
Edward Grigg, Baron Altrincham
Herbert A. L. Fisher
Leopold Amery
Richard Feetham
Hugh A. Wyndham
Sir Dougal Malcolm
Basil Williams
Basil Kellett Long
Sir Abe Bailey
Jan C. Smuts
Sir William Marris
James S. Meston
Baron Meston
Malcolm Hailey
Baron Hailey
Flora Shaw
Lady Lugard
Sir Reginald Coupland
Waldorf Astor, Viscount Astor
Nancy Astor, Lady Astor
Maurice Hankey, Baron Hankey
Arnold J. Toynbee
Laurence F. Rushbrook Williams
Henry Vincent Hodson
Vincent Todd Harlow

2. The Outer Circle

John Buchan, Baron Tweedsmuir
Sir Fabian Ware
Sir Alfred Zimmern
Gilbert Murray
Robert Cecil, Viscount Cecil of Chelwood
Sir James W. Headlam-Morley
Frederick J. N. Thesiger, Viscount Chelmsford
Sir Valentine Chirol
Edward F. L. Wood, Earl of Halifax
Sir [James] Arthur Salter
Sir Arthur H. D. R. Steel-Maitland
William G. A. Ormsby-Gore, Baron Harlech
Dame Edith Lyttelton, Mrs. Alfred Lyttelton
Frederick Lugard, Baron Lugard
Sir [Leander] Starr Jameson
Henry W. C. Davis
John A. Simon, Viscount Simon
Samuel J. G. Hoare, Viscount Templewood
Maurice P. A. Hankey, Baron Hankey
Wilson Harris
[Francis Clarke]
William G. S. Adams
[William K. Hancock]
Ernest L. Woodward
Sir Harold Butler
Kenneth N. Bell
Sir Donald B. Somervell
Sir Maurice L. Gwyer
Charles R. S. Harris
Sir Edward R. Peacock
Sir Cyril J. Radcliffe
John W. Wheeler-Bennett
Robert J. Stopford
Robert M. Barrington-Ward
[Kenneth C. Wheare]
Edward H. Carr
Malcolm MacDonald
Godfrey Elton, Baron Elton
Sir Neill Malcolm
Freeman Freeman-Thomas, Viscount Willingdon
Isaiah Berlin
Roger M. Makins
Sir Arthur Willert
Ivison S. Macadam

3. Members in other countries

a. Canada

Arthur J. Glazebrook
Sir George Parkin
Vincent Massey
George P. de T. Glazebrook
Percy Corbett [Sir Joseph Flavelle]

b. United States

George Louis Beer
Frank Aydelotte
Jerome Greene
[Clarence Steit]

c. South Africa

Jan C. Smuts
Sir Patrick Duncan
Sir Abe Bailey
Basil K. Long
Richard Feetham
[Sir James Rose-Innes]

d. Australia

Sir Thomas Bavin
Sir Frederic Eggleston
[Dudley D. Braham]

e. New Zealand

James Allen
William Downie Stewart
Arthur R. Atkinson

f. Germany

Helmuth James von Moltke
Adam von Trott zu Solz










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